Introduction

Northcote Whitridge Thomas was a British anthropologist who conducted extensive fieldwork in Southern Nigeria in the early 20th century, including a significant expedition to the Awka region in 1910-1911. During this time, he made a vast collection of ethnographic materials, including hundreds of audio recordings of music, spoken word, and other sonic events. Despite being digitized, Thomas's sound recordings remain challenging to work with due to their faint quality and high noise levels (Basu, 2020). Moreover, linguistic changes over the past century have added an extra layer of complexity. For instance, in Nigeria, Standard Igbo has largely replaced the local dialects that Thomas captured, making it even more difficult to interpret the recordings (Okeke, Uzoagba, & Onyebuchi, 2020). However, these recordings, captured using the then-cutting-edge technology of wax cylinder phonographs, represent a rare and valuable audio portrait of Igbo culture in the early colonial period. Nevertheless, the colonial context in which they were produced continues to raise complex ethical and representational questions about ownership, access, and the power dynamics inherent in anthropological research.

The [Re:]Entanglements website (see https://re-entanglements.net) is the online platform for the “Museum Affordances” project, funded by the UK's Arts and Humanities Research Council. This innovative project revisits and reexamines the extensive ethnographic archive compiled by anthropologist N. W. Thomas in Southern Nigeria and Sierra Leone between 1909 and 1915. The archive includes a wide range of materials, such as objects, photographs, sound recordings, botanical specimens, published works, and field notes. The project aims not only to contextualize the historical background of these materials but also to reassess their significance and relevance in today's world. Specifically, the project explores what these materials mean to different communities today, what actions they enable, and how they can be creatively reinterpreted.

Led by Paul Basu, the project has established partnerships with various institutions in the UK, Nigeria, Sierra Leone, and beyond. These partner institutions include the University of Cambridge Museum Of Archaeology and Anthropology, the British Library Sound Archive, the Pitt Rivers Museum, the Royal Anthropological Institute, the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, and the UK National Archives. The website features a wealth of information and resources related to Nigerian and Sierra Leonean culture and heritage.

The “Musical Returns and Revivals” project (see https://re-entanglements.net/musical-returns/) is a multi-faceted initiative under the “Re-Entanglements” project that attempted a re-engagement with the sonic legacy of Northcote Whitridge Thomas's 1910-1911 recordings from Awka district of today’s Anambra State, Nigeria. It surveyed relevant history of the Awka people to understand the nature, compositional practices, performance techniques, continuity, and changes in their folk music. The project also aimed to document and preserve the cultural heritage of the Awka people. Driven by ethnomusicological inquiry, the project aimed to deepen the understanding of early 20^th-century Awka musical practices, performance contexts, and cultural meanings. Through digital repatriation of the recordings, the project facilitates their access and return to the Awka community while simultaneously promoting scholarly engagement and new interpretations among researchers worldwide. A key objective is to contribute to the preservation and revitalization of Awka musical heritage, recognizing the recordings' potential to illuminate the past and inform contemporary cultural practices.

This paper critically scrutinizes the “Musical Returns and Revivals” project, aiming to assess its impact on the accessibility, use, and understanding of Northcote Whitridge Thomas's 1910-1911 recordings from Awka, Nigeria. The paper seeks to move beyond a simple celebration of access to interrogate the complexities and limitations of such repatriation initiatives in achieving meaningful and ethical engagement with cultural heritage materials.

Figure 1 – Phonograph recording Agila Nigeria 1913 NWT 4885 MAA P.32756 re-entanglements.net-1024x757

Figure 2 – Phonograph recording Agila Nigeria 1913 NWT 4885 MAA P.32756 re-entanglements.net-1024x757

Methodology

The study employs a critical discourse analysis (CDA) framework, paired with thematic analysis, to examine Northcote Whitridge Thomas’s Awka recordings and the “Re-Entanglements: Musical Returns and Revivals” project. Guided by aims of decolonization, restitution, and cultural heritage, the methodology links micro-level textual features with meso- and macro-level social contexts through Fairclough’s three-dimensional model (text, discursive practices, social practices). This structure enables analysis of how language, practices, and institutional arrangements shape power, representation, and community access to cultural materials.

Data are drawn from three sources: primary project materials (website content, reports, outputs, and the Thomas recordings with their transcriptions and re-interpretations), secondary scholarly literature on decolonization and heritage governance, and contextual artifacts such as Awka language glossaries and governance documents. Data collection combines document analysis, content analysis of audio and outputs, and incorporation of stakeholder voices from public statements, interviews, and workshops. The temporal frame situates early-20^th-century colonial contexts alongside 21^st-century digitization, re-presentation, and community-led interpretations.

Analytically, the study unfolds in three interrelated phases aligned with the CDA framework. Phase 1, textual analysis, involves close readings to identify evaluative language and discursive strategies that position Western institutions, African scholars, and Awka communities in particular roles. Phase 2, discursive practices, examines how project communications across platforms convey aims, processes, and outputs, including accessibility, transparency, and credit to collaborators. Phase 3, social practices, situates discourse within broader histories of colonialism, postcolonial policy, and restorative justice, assessing how outputs might reshape power relations and governance of data, ownership, and benefit-sharing. Thematic analysis supports this by extracting recurring themes – access, representation, community involvement, capacity-building, and power dynamics – and triangulation across multiple sources to bolster reliability.

Ethical considerations center on public data, cultural sensitivity, consent, and governance. The methodology emphasizes co-ownership and shared decision-making with Awka communities, ensuring representations respect local protocols and community voices. The researcher’s positionality as an Awka insider and ethnomusicologist is openly acknowledged, with reflexive notes accompanying analyses to mitigate potential biases. Finally, the study notes validity through triangulation and transparent analytic procedures, while recognizing limitations such as reliance on publicly available materials and linguistic challenges. The approach remains committed to decolonization, restorative justice, and epistemic justice, aiming to contribute to more equitable and community-led stewardship of Awka cultural heritage.

Review of related literature

Theoretical threads

This review reorganizes three theoretical threads that foreground decolonization, restorative justice, and decolonizing knowledge production, with concrete ties to the “Musical Returns and Revivals” project and the Awka context.

Decolonization and decolonizing methodologies foreground local epistemologies by challenging Western-centric approaches that have long shaped ethnomusicology. In the Awka context, this means privileging concepts like uche nka and ensuring interpretations align with Awka aesthetics, social values, and linguistic realities, thus shifting scholarly authority toward indigenous knowledge producers and moving from extraction to partnership (Agawu 2003; Smith 2012; Onwuegbuna 2020; Eze 2020; Cooper 2005; Ndlovu 2017).

Restorative justice and restitution/reparations recentre cultural heritage work as redress for historical injustices, emphasizing accountability, repair, and ongoing responsibility to communities of origin. This encompasses both material and relational dimensions – digital repatriation, co-ownership, credit, capacity building, and sustained collaboration – guided by the ethical stakes highlighted by Kurin (2004) and Mudimbe (1988), with Harrison (2013) stressing community engagement and Appiah (2006) and Smith (2012) advocating intercultural understanding and decolonized practices. In the “Musical Returns and Revivals” project, digital repatriation is paired with explicit consent, fair benefit-sharing and culturally appropriate restrictions, with success evaluated through community-relevant outcomes such as revitalization, education, and intergenerational dialogue (Kurin 2004; Mudimbe 1988; Harrison 2013; Appiah 2006; Smith 2012).

Decolonizing knowledge production reallocates authority from distant or Western-dominated institutions to indigenous and local scholars, communities, and knowledge producers, emphasizing co-ownership, joint authorship, and governance aligned with local priorities. This shift reshapes who defines questions, interprets data, and disseminates outputs, foregrounding reciprocity, transparency, and shared benefit to address epistemic injustices (Cooper 2005; Ndlovu 2017; Bourdieu 1990). The “Musical Returns and Revivals” narrative embodies this by involving Awka researchers (Onwuegbuna; Eze), integrating local linguistic scholarship (Okeke, Uzoagba, Onyebuchi 2020), and incorporating indigenous frameworks into methodological design, with operational implications of co-authored outputs and capacity-building to ensure community-driven interpretation (Cooper 2005; Smith 2012). Together, these threads offer a cohesive, practice-oriented framework for ethical engagement with Thomas’s Awka recordings and analogous archives.

Key theoretical and empirical clusters

Regarding restitution and cultural property, Lonetree (2012) argues that the display of indigenous cultural materials in museums can reinforce stereotypes and perpetuate racist attitudes, rather than promoting cross-cultural understanding and respect. To mitigate this risk, Lippert (2017) insists that repatriation projects must prioritize community input and cultural sensitivity. This involves engaging in meaningful consultation and collaboration with local communities, acknowledging their cultural authority and expertise, and prioritizing their needs and interests. It also involves acknowledging the historical and ongoing legacies of colonialism and racism, and actively working to decolonize and indigenize museum and cultural institution practices (Clifford 2013).

In decolonizing methodologies and indigenous epistemologies, Opata (2013) critically examines and challenges the dominant Western perspectives and biases that have shaped research practices, particularly in the context of studying non-Western cultures, such as African music. This decolonial approach recognizes that Western knowledge systems have historically been imposed upon and extracted from marginalized communities, perpetuating epistemological injustices and cultural erasures. One key aspect of decolonizing methodologies is to acknowledge and address the Western biases that influence research questions, methods, and interpretations. Western researchers often frame research questions that reflect their own cultural values and interests, rather than those of the communities being studied. For instance, in the study of African music, a Western researcher might ask, “How does African music reflect Western musical concepts, such as harmony and melody?” rather than, “What are the unique musical concepts and values of African cultures?” (Agawu 2003). Engaging in collaborative research with local researchers and community members will ensure that research questions, methods, and interpretations are informed by local knowledge and cultural values. In the light of the foregoing, Ndlovu (2017) advocates the promotion of a more inclusive and diverse understanding of history and culture of the indigenous community, while Smith (2012) recommends the use of research methods and frameworks developed by indigenous scholars and communities, such as Kaupapa Māori research in New Zealand or Ubuntu research in Africa, which prioritize local knowledge and cultural values.

The repatriation of cultural recordings to their communities of origin is a complex and sensitive process that requires careful consideration of the local community's input and cultural sensitivity. Merely returning the recordings without proper consultation and collaboration with the Awka community can perpetuate colonial power dynamics, leading to misrepresentation and culturally inappropriate uses of the material. The removal of cultural materials from their original contexts can be seen as a form of cultural violence, perpetuating the erasure of indigenous cultures and histories (Zimmerer 2015).

Repatriation ethics and community ownership are issues in restitution discussions. The traditional approach of “giving back” cultural artifacts or recordings can be problematic, as it implies a patronizing attitude and reinforces the notion that the Western institution is the rightful custodian of the cultural heritage. This approach can perpetuate the colonial mindset, where the dominant culture imposes its will on the marginalized community, without fully understanding or respecting their cultural context (Caroll 2023; Savoy 2023). In other cases, ownership may reside with the community as a whole, particularly where cultural heritage materials are seen as belonging to the collective cultural identity of the community. For instance, in New Zealand, the Treaty of Waitangi recognizes the rights of Māori people to control and manage their own cultural heritage, including recordings of their language, stories, and songs (Waitangi Tribunal 2011). Likewise, in Canada, the Haida Nation has developed a framework for the repatriation and management of their cultural heritage, which recognizes the collective ownership of their cultural knowledge and expressions (Haida Nation 2018). Similarly, in Africa, the concept of “communal intellectual property” recognizes the collective ownership of cultural knowledge and practices within traditional communities (Kuruk 2004).

Okeke, Uzoagba, and Onyebuchi (2020), in investigating changes in the pronunciation of the Awka dialect of Igbo in Thomas's recordings, argue that standard Igbo has largely replaced the local dialects, making it even more difficult to interpret the recordings. This dialect replacement undermines interpretive accuracy, as researchers must infer Awka-specific phonetic and lexical features from a standard-leaning baseline. The result is a temporal disconnect: the archive captures a transitional moment, making it harder to recover the authentic Awka phonology and to assess how the dialect was actually pronounced at the time. Consequently, there is a risk of misidentifying phonemes, allophones, or intonation patterns, and transcripts may omit or misrepresent key dialectal distinctions.

Conceptual themes

A study by Smith and Nguyen (2021) investigates patterns of provenance uncertainty, the role of community co-curation, and challenges in returning materials to descendant communities – arguing that representation, cataloging practices, and access policies shape restitution pathways. For Carter (2022), any meaningful repatriation of recorded sound must involve stakeholder negotiations and community re-engagement with the sound materials after restitution actions.

Central to this study’s argument is the assertion that ensuring local Awka community input and prioritizing cultural sensitivity are not merely addendums but rather essential prerequisites for ethical and meaningful engagement with these recordings. Without such considerations, even well-intentioned repatriation projects risk perpetuating colonial power dynamics, potentially leading to misrepresentation and culturally inappropriate uses of the material. Repatriation projects often involve museums and institutions from the Global North working with communities from the Global South. Without meaningful consultation and collaboration, these projects can reinforce colonial power dynamics, where Western institutions dictate the terms of the repatriation process (Nwigwe and Anyaoha 2024; Tatz 2015). This demands a shift from a paradigm of “giving back” to one of shared ownership, collaborative interpretation, and ongoing dialogue with the Awka community as equal stakeholders in their own cultural heritage.

For example, the repatriation of indigenous Australian cultural materials has been criticized for its top-down approach, where museums and institutions have prioritized their own interests over those of the communities they are supposed to be serving (Hemming 2018). Similarly, the repatriation of Native American cultural materials has been marred by a lack of transparency and accountability, leading to the misrepresentation and misuse of sacred objects and cultural knowledge (Echo-Hawk 2010). Additionally, the repatriation of human remains has been criticized for its lack of cultural sensitivity, with some institutions prioritizing scientific research over the cultural beliefs and practices of the communities of origin (Colwell 2017).

Empirical study of the “Musical Returns and Revivals”

In the “[Re:]Entangled Traditions” project, each scholar or musician delved into the musicological and linguistic collections of Northcote Whitridge Thomas, providing further insights and analysis. Other artists selected, each, a photographic archive, such as uli body and wall painting, ichi scarification, hairstyles, clothing, and wrestling. These visual references served as the foundation for their artistic experiments and creative expression.

Samson Uchenna Eze (2020), a lecturer at the University of Nigeria, Nsukka, worked with folksongs recorded by Thomas in Awka in 1910-1911. In this work, he shared his experience of transcribing and re-recording three of these songs with local performers. Inspired by one of Thomas's recordings, Igbo bu Igbo, Eze even composed a contemporary choral piece, which he has made available. His account highlights the time and effort required to fully engage with these historical recordings. He also reflects on the significance of Thomas’s recordings and the challenges of conducting research on them in contemporary Nigeria, offering valuable insights into the process.

In another contribution to the project, Ikenna Onwuegbuna (2020), Department of Music, University of Nigeria, Nsukka, and the author of this text, reinterpreted and analyzed several recordings made by Thomas in Awka and Agulu in 1911. Onwuegbuna, a native of Awka with a familial musical heritage – his grandmother was a renowned singer – contributed to a depth of understanding regarding the cultural and musical nuances embedded in the recordings. An ethnomusicologist, music performer, and studio music producer, he curated and creatively reinterpreted five audio tracks from Thomas’s recordings. The selection comprises three vocal pieces, a piece performed by an Mmọ̄nwụ̄ (a spiritual entity or, inaccurately, a masquerade), and an instrumental work, thereby illustrating his approach to revitalizing and reimagining traditional music. In his scholarly analysis, he provides in-depth commentary on each recording, followed by reflections on their ongoing relevance and significance.

In a study in linguistics, Okeke, Uzoagba, and Onyebuchi (2020) investigated changes in the pronunciation of the Awka dialect of Igbo by comparing Northcote Whitridge Thomas's recordings from the past with current spoken Awka dialect. They studied two audio recordings from Thomas's collection and identified changes in speech sounds over time. The scholars found that these sound changes are influenced by the surrounding sounds (environmentally conditioned) rather than by grammatical rules. This means that the sound changes occur in specific contexts, not across the board. The multilingual nature of the Awka community, where many speakers are fluent in multiple languages, is likely contributing to these sound changes. This study provides valuable insights into the dynamic nature of language and the impact of language contact on linguistic evolution.

The project further explored music-related arts and Igbo uli body and wall art traditions, drawing heavily on Northcote Thomas’s photographs as a foundational visual archive of uli. Thomas’s archives provided some of the earliest and most comprehensive visual records of uli wall paintings, serving as a critical resource for traditional uli practice. These images inspired the participating artists to translate uli motifs and ideas into new artistic expressions, bridging historical imagery with present-day techniques and media. Many participating artists incorporated elements from these photographs into their contemporary works across various media.

Chijioke Onuora, a sculptor from the University of Nigeria, Nsukka, grounded his practice in a strong appreciation for traditional Igbo art. His research on ikolo drums informed his sculptural, musical, and socio-cultural explorations, and for the collaboration he revisited Igbo ichi scarification – drawing on linear markings he encountered in childhood. He produced two monumental batik pieces, including a portrait of Ezeana Obidigbo of Neni photographed by Thomas in 1911; his personal and geographic connections to the region deepen the work’s resonance with local memory and history.

Chuu Krydz Ikwuemesi, an Nsukka-based painter, follows uli traditions as a form of cultural activism influenced by Uche Okeke and others who revived uli painting. In this project, he merged motifs and linear forms from various locales using Thomas’s uli wall painting photographs, creating four acrylic paintings on canvas titled "Playing with Time" and "Memory". The body of work reflects the long history of uli among Igbo-speaking communities and emphasizes resilience – colonial disruptions did not erase cultural essence, and communities continue to adapt, innovate, and keep traditions alive in new forms. Rita Doris Ubah, a textile artist and lecturer, brought uli into weaving, embroidery, knitting, and appliqué, inspired by Thomas’s photographs. Her contributions included a large appliqué panel, “Igbo Kwenu”, another appliqué featuring a masquerade figure photographed by Thomas, and a fashion collection integrating uli motifs into wearable art. Ubah’s work foregrounds uli as a women’s art form rooted in body adornment.

Prior to the project, these recordings were primarily housed in Western institutions – including the University of Cambridge Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology, the British Library Sound Archive, the Pitt Rivers Museum, the Royal Anthropological Institute, the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, and the UK National Archives, limiting access for those most closely connected to the material. The project's digitization and online dissemination efforts have broken down these physical barriers, allowing scholars across Africa to engage with the recordings more readily. This accessibility is paramount for enabling research from African perspectives, fostering new interpretations rooted in local knowledge and experiences. Furthermore, the project facilitated workshops and collaborations, creating opportunities for African musicians to directly interact with the recordings. This access is invaluable for understanding performance nuances, inspiring contemporary musical interpretations, and potentially revitalizing musical practices based on this archival material.

However, the cultural significance and aesthetic value of Northcote Thomas's recordings warrant further scholarly exploration and reflecting on this extraordinary sound archive prompts a scholarly examination of its implications and potential insights. The continuity of similar musical traditions in Awka today warrants documentation and analysis, and reactions to this music at the time of its first recording and in the contemporary era present a compelling study. The historical performance styles and contexts of these folk songs, and their continuity or change in the present, constitute an important area of inquiry. Additionally, the impact of Westernization and globalization on these traditional songs demands critical assessment, and the tonal, harmonic, and rhythmic structures of the original recordings differ from modern interpretations in ways that warrant systematic comparison and analysis.

A resolution of some of the issues raised in the foregoing can be discerned from the interview granted Paul Basu by Ikenna Onwuegbuna (2020).[1]

While the project made significant strides in broadening access, it is crucial to acknowledge that digital access alone does not automatically translate to equitable engagement. Issues of digital literacy, language barriers, and the ongoing need for physical resources and research support require further consideration to ensure meaningful and inclusive participation from African scholars and musicians.

Figure 3 – Ikenna Onwuegbuna Re-entangled Traditions exhibition Nsukka re-entanglements.net-1024x576

Analytical study of the “Musical Returns and Revivals”

The collaboration with African experts has been a game-changer, allowing the West to leverage the knowledge of the Africans and delve into the treasure trove of cultural heritage hidden in the archive, as well as its relevance to the present day. The improved access made possible by the “Musical Returns and Revivals” project opens up exciting opportunities for a more profound understanding of Awka music and culture. The project has helped to preserve Awka music and cultural heritage for future generations, ensuring that this valuable cultural resource is not lost over time. By working with African experts, the project has uncovered hidden knowledge and cultural practices that were previously inaccessible to Western scholars. The project has facilitated community engagement and participation, enabling Awka people to take an active role in the preservation and promotion of their cultural heritage (see Harrison 2013). The project has opened up opportunities for education and cultural exchange between the West and Africa, promoting cross-cultural understanding and mutual respect.

Decentralizing knowledge production

The re-entanglements project has challenged traditional Western academic dominance by centering local knowledge and perspectives. This approach recognizes the importance of indigenous knowledge systems and promotes a more equitable distribution of power in knowledge production (Smith 2012). By sharing the recordings with African scholars, particularly those with ties to the Awka communities, such as Onwuegbuna and Eze, the project facilitated research and analysis that transcends traditional Western academic viewpoints. The African scholars have been able to provide contextual insights into the historical records, which were created by colonialists with limited understanding of local cultures and languages. This contextualization has enabled a more nuanced understanding of the historical records and has helped to correct biases and misunderstandings (see Cooper 2005). The project has provided a platform for African scholars to reclaim and value local knowledge and cultural practices that were often marginalized or erased by colonialism. This has helped to promote a more inclusive and diverse understanding of history and culture. As a result, new insights have emerged, rooted in local knowledge, languages, and cultural perspectives that were overlooked in colonial-era research.

Revitalizing musical practices and research

By granting access to the archives of the sonic legacy of Thomas's recordings to Awka musicians, the project provides a unique opportunity for musicians to reconnect with their musical heritage. This reconnection has the potential to inspire new interpretations, compositions, and even the revival of forgotten musical elements, ultimately informing contemporary music-making (see Nwigwe and Anyaoha 2024).

The project’s collaborative approach has facilitated the development of new research practices that prioritize mutual respect, trust, and reciprocity. This has enabled the co-production of knowledge that is more inclusive and responsive to local needs and perspectives. By sharing the recordings with African scholars, the [re]-entanglements project has demonstrated a commitment to decolonizing knowledge production, contextualizing historical records, reclaiming local knowledge, and fostering collaborative research practices. This approach has produced more inclusive and distinctive understandings of history and culture, and promoted a more equitable distribution of power in knowledge production.

Reclaiming narratives

The active participation of Awka communities in the project empowers them to question and reframe dominant narratives surrounding the recordings, allowing them to share their own authoritative perspectives on the music's cultural importance and significance within their community. In the Awka community, art is deeply rooted in the individual's psyche, where creativity and imagination are believed to originate from. This inner spark, known as uche nka, fuels the creative process, which then manifests into various art forms and products. In other words, art in Awka culture begins as a mental concept, where imagination and creativity take shape, before being expressed in tangible forms such as music, dance, visual arts, and more. (Okafor 1992; Onwuegbuna 2012, 2022).

Awka music is a vital part of the cultural and spiritual heritage, serving multiple purposes. One of its primary functions is to pass down societal values, norms, and traditions from one generation to the next, effectively educating children from birth to old age. Music plays a sacred role in this process, alongside other forms of art. Folk melodies, rhymes, slogans, and catchphrases are all essential tools for learning, often encountered through folk music. The musician in this context has a dual role, contributing to and complementing the social order. Not only must they be knowledgeable about their craft, but they also bear a responsibility to maintain social harmony, upholding moral, civil, and criminal codes, and ensuring their artistic philosophy aligns with the accepted social norms. Ultimately, interpreting the Awka recordings responsibly requires a decolonized approach that respects Awka’s cultural autonomy, values indigenous knowledge systems, and amplifies Awka voices in the understanding and appreciation of their own musical heritage.

Figura 4 – Ikenna Onwuegbuna revisiting Northcote Thomas Igbo sound archive re-entanglements.net-1024x576

Limited scope

The recordings, while valuable, provide only a snapshot of Awka music from a specific period. Over-reliance on them without broader contextualization could lead to a skewed or incomplete understanding of Awka musical culture in its entirety. While access has expanded, inequalities in research funding, infrastructure, and support for African scholars still hinder in-depth engagement and limit the full potential of diverse interpretations. The impact of increased access is a process still unfolding. Long-term assessment requires continued support for Awka-led research, ethical collaborations, and a critical consideration of how power dynamics continue to shape the interpretation of these cultural materials.

Moving forward: ethical and equitable scholarship

Recognizing past injustices is crucial, and it is essential to conduct modern research and analysis of African music with integrity, fairness, and a commitment to equal opportunities, ensuring that historical wrongs are not repeated. It is important to acknowledge these historical wrongs and to ensure that contemporary research and analysis of African music is grounded in ethical and equitable principles.

There is a need to position non-Western epistemologies and knowledge systems as central and foundational to research, rather than relegating them to the periphery or viewing them through a Western-centric lens. Particularly, emphasizing local knowledge and perspectives is essential to avoid perpetuating harmful biases when studying something like the Awka music recordings. Local knowledge is grounded in lived experience. People from Awka have a deep, intuitive understanding of their own musical traditions that comes from growing up with the music, participating in performances, and learning from previous generations. This intimate knowledge goes beyond the surface level of notes and rhythms.

Awka community members can articulate the social meanings embedded in the music, the significance of specific instruments, the stories behind the songs, and how the music intersects with their beliefs, rituals, and daily lives. In this indigenous framework, Awka has its own musical terminology, aesthetic values, and ways of evaluating musical skill that differ from Western perspectives. Local input helps ensure these frameworks are respected and accurately represented. This approach promotes self-representation and agency, as against the study and representation of African cultures by outsiders. Anchoring local knowledge empowers the Awka community to control the narratives about their own heritage and share their perspectives on their own terms.

Ensuring cultural sensitivity

In unpacking the ethical dimensions of working with cultural heritage materials, this section of the study delves into the critical ethical considerations associated with working with cultural heritage materials, specifically focusing on the Awka recordings. It is crucial to explore the complexities surrounding ownership, consent, and cultural sensitivity when utilizing these materials. The following discussion will navigate the intricate ethical landscape of cultural heritage material usage, using the Awka recordings as a case study.

1. Ownership and intellectual property rights

The question of who owns the recordings of cultural heritage materials, particularly those related to indigenous or traditional cultures, is a complex and contentious issue. In many cases, the answer is not clear-cut and may involve multiple stakeholders with competing claims – especially when it comes to the use of traditional cultural expressions (TCEs) and traditional knowledge (TK) of indigenous peoples. In some cases, ownership of recordings may reside with individuals or families who are the traditional custodians of the cultural knowledge or practices being recorded. For example, in Australia, the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Commission (ATSIC) has a developed guideline for the use of indigenous cultural and intellectual property, which recognizes the rights of indigenous individuals and families to control and manage their own cultural heritage (ATSIC 1999). Also, the Yolngu people of North East Arnhem Land have developed a system of “kinship-based ownership” for intellectual property, where rights to traditional knowledge and cultural expressions are held by specific clans and families (Christen 2005). Similarly, in Canada, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission has emphasized the importance of respecting the intellectual property rights of indigenous peoples and obtaining their free, prior, and informed consent before using their cultural materials (TRC 2015).

In other cases, ownership may reside with the community as a whole, particularly where cultural heritage materials are seen as belonging to the collective cultural identity of the community. In Awka culture, songs and musical knowledge are passed down through generations and are not seen as individually owned. Was clear consent given by the Awka owners for their recording and use? Were the recordings made with the permission of the Awka people, and were they involved in the process of recording, transcribing, and interpreting these materials? Were they fairly compensated for their contributions, and do they have control over how their cultural heritage is used and represented? The ownership of the Awka recordings is a complex issue that requires careful consideration of the rights and interests of the Awka people, as well as the cultural institutions and individuals involved in their creation and use. It is essential to prioritize the principles of free, prior, and informed consent, respect, and reciprocity in the management and use of these cultural heritage materials.

2. Representation and cultural sensitivity

Ensuring the respectful use of Thomas’s recordings requires a deep understanding of the cultural beliefs, values, and protocols of the Awka community. This involves recognizing the cultural significance of the recordings, respecting cultural protocols and restrictions, and avoiding misrepresentation or sensationalization of the culture. For example, certain music might be considered sacred or appropriate only for specific contexts. Are there any restrictions on who can listen to or perform the music? Some cultures have protocols around gender, age, or social standing in relation to musical practices. How can we avoid misrepresenting or sensationalizing the recordings or the culture they represent? For example, in some indigenous cultures, certain songs or stories are only meant to be shared during specific ceremonies or rituals (Smith 2012).

In some cultures, musical practices are tied to specific roles or responsibilities within the community. For example, in some indigenous cultures, certain songs or musical instruments are reserved for specific age groups or genders (Diamond 2008; Onwuegbuna 2015). It is essential to respect these restrictions and protocols when using the recordings to avoid cultural misrepresentation. In the case of the Awka community, it is essential to consult with community members and cultural authorities to understand the cultural significance of the recordings and any restrictions on their use. This may involve identifying specific contexts in which the music can be shared (e.g., cultural ceremonies, calendar activities), establishing protocols for who can listen to or perform the music (e.g., gender, age, or social standing restrictions), and ensuring that the recordings are not used in ways that might be perceived as disrespectful or offensive (e.g., using sacred music in a commercial or superficial context). By respecting cultural protocols, avoiding misrepresentation and sensationalization, and prioritizing consultation and collaboration, we can promote cross-cultural understanding and respect for the Awka community and their cultural heritage.

Respecting Awka autonomy and self-determination

The Awka community has the right to control how their cultural heritage is accessed, used, and shared. Informed consent recognizes their agency and decision-making power over something as precious as their music. It shifts the dynamic from one of extraction (outsiders taking something of value) to one of collaboration and mutual respect. What might seem like a harmless use of the recordings to outsiders could be culturally inappropriate or even offensive to the Awka community. Through informed consent, researchers can learn about cultural protocols, sensitivities, and any restrictions surrounding the music. This helps prevent unintentional harm or disrespect. Approaching the Awka community with openness and a genuine desire to obtain their consent demonstrates respect and builds trust. This is essential for establishing long-term, mutually beneficial relationships based on partnership rather than exploitation. In many cases, there may be legal requirements related to intellectual property rights, cultural heritage protection, or data privacy that need informed consent. Ethically, researchers and institutions have a responsibility to uphold the highest standards of conduct, and informed consent is a cornerstone of ethical research practice (Minkler 2004).

Decentralizing power and resources

Moving beyond “parachute research”, Western institutions must move away from extractive practices where they dictate terms and extract data without meaningful engagement or benefits for African communities. They must prioritize funding and support for projects designed and led by African scholars and communities themselves. The African scholars are to define their own research agenda and priorities. To build capacity within Africa, the West should invest in training, infrastructure, and resources to strengthen research institutions and support emerging scholars within Africa.

Co-ownership of data and intellectual property can be achieved through the establishment of clear agreements upfront that recognize the rights of African communities and collaborators over any data, knowledge, or cultural expressions generated through the partnership. The terms of the agreement should provide fair financial compensation for participation and ensure that African collaborators receive proper credit and authorship on publications, presentations, or other outputs.

Conclusion

The “Re-Entanglements” project demonstrates the potential for collaborative research to promote reconciliation and representation by centering indigenous voices and perspectives in the study of cultural heritage, while the “Musical Returns and Revivals” project illustrates the effectiveness of community-led initiatives in promoting cultural revitalization and intercultural understanding through the preservation and celebration of indigenous music and cultural practices. These projects have significant implications for reconciliation, representation, and cultural understanding. These initiatives demonstrate the potential for collaborative research and community-led initiatives to promote cultural revitalization, reconciliation, and representation.

A central mechanism is co-creation and governance. By establishing joint governance bodies, such as steering committees and cultural advisory councils, with shared decision-making authority over questions, methods, and outputs, projects can co-create agendas that reflect community priorities. For example, a multi-year initiative with a partner indigenous nation might form a Steering Council that includes elders, youth representatives, and cultural technicians, alongside an Academic Partner Board. They would collaboratively define research questions, methods, and outputs, producing co-authored reports and co-hosted community exhibitions. This arrangement helps ensure community ownership from inception and reduces the risk of misrepresentation, increasing legitimacy and uptake of the work.

Treating cultural revitalization as a legitimate research output is another key mechanism. Revitalization activities – such as songs, dances, protocols, and language lessons – can be treated as knowledge generation, with appropriate indicators and funding lines. A concrete example is documenting a traditional drum-making technique as both a tangible artifact and a living practice, resulting in videos, apprenticeship syllabi, and a youth cohort training under master artisans. Outputs may include a living archive and a community-run workshop series. Framing revitalization in this way elevates these activities to scholarly and impact-bearing work, validating indigenous knowledge within both academic and funding ecosystems.

Centering indigenous epistemologies in representation and epistemic justice is essential. This involves letting indigenous frameworks guide framing, data collection, analysis, and validation, and using community-defined criteria to judge legitimacy. Instead of applying Western ethnographic models, researchers can co-create an indigenous knowledge framework that foregrounds concepts like relationality and kinship-based data sharing. Findings can be presented in community language summaries and through indigenous-language media. The outcome is a more accurate representation that minimizes misinterpretation and builds trust with broader audiences.

The “Musical Returns and Revivals” project has the potential to significantly impact the Awka community's relationship with its musical heritage, but it is crucial to acknowledge that this impact is multifaceted and contingent on various factors. Access to the recordings can rekindle interest in traditional music and performance practices among Awka youth, potentially bridging generational gaps and fostering a sense of continuity with their heritage. Repatriating the recordings, even digitally, can be empowering, allowing the Awka community to reclaim ownership of its cultural narratives and celebrate its musical legacy on its own terms. The recordings can serve as a wellspring of inspiration for contemporary Awka artists, prompting new interpretations of traditional music, dance, and storytelling that resonate with modern audiences.

Increased access to the Thomas recordings has the potential to generate a rich diversity of perspectives and approaches to understanding Awka music and culture. Younger generations of Awka scholars and musicians, potentially influenced by different musical landscapes and sociopolitical contexts, might offer contrasting interpretations compared to elder community members with lived memories of older traditions. Beyond academic research, the recordings can inspire diverse creative expressions. Music, dance, theater, visual arts, and literature can all serve as media for exploring and reinterpreting Awka's musical heritage, each offering unique perspectives. Individual researchers and artists bring their own life experiences, social positions, and cultural backgrounds to their interpretations. Recognizing these subjective lenses is crucial to understanding the diversity of responses to the recordings.

Engagement with the Thomas recordings should not be a static endpoint but rather an ongoing process. As more individuals and communities engage, new interpretations will emerge, prompting further dialogue, debate, and a deeper understanding of Awka’s vibrant musical heritage. Encouraging and valuing this diversity of approaches will be paramount to ensuring that the legacy of the “Musical Returns and Revivals” project is one of equitable engagement and a multifaceted understanding of Awka music and culture. This project offers a powerful catalyst for the Awka community to reconnect with and reimagine its musical heritage. However, navigating the ethical complexities of cultural ownership, representation, and sustainable engagement is an ongoing process that demands careful consideration, collaboration, and a commitment to centering Awka voices.

This research on Northcote Whitridge Thomas's early 20^th-century recordings of Awka music adds to the critical conversations about decolonization, restitution, and reparations. It emphasizes the need for a radical change in how cultural heritage is preserved and revived, advocating for a community-driven approach that challenges traditional knowledge systems and incorporates principles of restorative justice. By doing so, this shift can help address historical wrongs and pave the way for a more fair and just future for cultural heritage and knowledge. The study's emphasis on a community-driven approach and the incorporation of restorative justice principles marks a significant departure from traditional knowledge systems, which have historically been shaped by colonialism and its legacy of cultural erasure and exploitation.

The need for a radical change in cultural heritage preservation and revitalization is long overdue. The incorporation of restorative justice principles is also crucial in addressing historical wrongs. Restorative justice seeks to repair harm, promote healing, and rebuild relationships between individuals and communities. In the context of cultural heritage, this means acknowledging the historical injustices perpetrated against indigenous communities, providing redress for past wrongs, and establishing meaningful partnerships between communities and institutions. Such a shift can have far-reaching implications for the future of cultural heritage and knowledge.

Recommendations

The “Musical Returns and Revivals” project has demonstrated the value of collaboration between Western scholars and African experts in promoting a more profound understanding of Awka music and culture. In all its achievements, though, a comprehensive evaluation of the impact of the project will require further investigation and time to unfold. Future research should focus on assessing the long-term effects of the project on Awka music and culture, as well as its implications for cultural preservation, education, and community development. As the project continues to unfold, it is essential to monitor its impact and ensure that it remains committed to decolonization, community engagement, and cultural preservation.

Ikenna Emmanuel Onwuegbuna

Department of Music, University of Nigeria, Nsukka; ikenna.onwuegbuna@unn.edu.ng; orcid.org/0000-0002-1577-8224

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